<a href="https://stlouis.cbslocal.com/personality/phill-brooks/" target="_blank">Phill Brooks</a>

The year’s campaign season has provided a clear demonstration of the declining role of political parties.

For years, political scientists have noted the growing number of voters who identify themselves as independent. As a result, a candidate from the party with the highest identification no longer can count on getting elected just by getting the votes of party loyalists.

While that certainly is true in Missouri, it’s just one part of a broader and more fascinating story in the evolution of political parties.

When I covered my first Missouri statehouse campaigns in 1970, Missouri was solidly Democratic. A Democrat who won the primary for a statewide office, virtually was guaranteed election.

Prior to World War II, just one Republican had been elected to statewide office.

“For the past 24 years a one-party political machine has had a strangle-hold on Missouri,” the Republican candidate for governor, Larry Roos was quoted in the St. Joseph Gazette shortly before the 1968 election. It was not just a complaint, it was a statement of fact.

While Roos, the supervisor of St. Louis County, went down in defeat, there was one GOP statewide victory that year. The first statewide GOP victory since 1945 was Jack Danforth who captured the Attorney General’s office.

Danforth was an unlikely political success. He was an Ivy League college graduate. He had practiced law in New York. He never held major political office. But, he became credited with being the father of the modern Missouri Republican Party.

Once in office, he hired fellow young, reform-minded lawyers. They focused on reforming government, ethics and consumer protection. From them came an energy and intensity I have rarely seen since in state government. They were hungry to get things done and in a hurry.

From Danforth’s team, came the next Republican to win statewide office, Kit Bond. Two years after his election as state auditor in 1970, he was elected governor.

During my first years as a reporter, Danforth and his team defined the Republican Party.

But it never was a unified party. From almost the start, an open split emerged between Danforth’s folks and conservative elements of the Republican Party — a split somewhat akin to the ideological divide we see today with the tea party advocates.

At the same time, Democrats also were splintering from disagreements over the Vietnam War. It reached a head in 1972 from Gov. Warren Hearnes’ continued opposition to anti-war presidential candidates.

Hearnes had been a West Point graduate and was a military hawk — more hawkish than the new generation of Democrats entering into the party.

I did not realize it at the time, but those were some of the seeds being sown that in future years would help contribute to the decline in power of Missouri’s political parties.

You clearly can see the consequences today. Look how candidates deliberately distance themselves from their own parties.

The GOP candidate for the U.S. Senate, Todd Akin, even campaigned against some of his own party’s leaders by calling on voters to reject the demands of Republican Party bosses who wanted him to drop his campaign.

Both Jay Nixon and Claire McCaskill brag about not being party-line candidates. Instead, they campaign about reaching across party lines to work with Republicans.

Look at the yard signs for candidates. Fewer and fewer give party identification a prominent display — if any mention at all. Even here in Jefferson City where you would expect partisan politics to be intense, few of the political yard signs identify party affiliation.

Years ago, yard signs and billboards declared a candidate’s party affiliation in large, bold print. The idea was to inspire those in the candidate’s party to get out and vote.

Decades ago, on the closing days of the campaign, a party’s candidates for statewide office joined together for a final swing through the state or, at least, for a collective rally at the state Capitol.

They might have differing positions on issues. Some clearly were going to lose, but they still ran as if they were a ticket — at least they gave that appearance.

But this year, the Democrats did not have a final statewide swing for their statewide candidates. The Republican’s did have their swing, but without two of their five best-known candidates — Todd Akin and Peter Kinder.

As always, let me know (at column@mdn.org) if you have any comments. If you would like your comments, or a portion of them, included in a future column, let me know and be sure to include your full name in your email. Past columns are available at www.mdn.org/mpacol or here.


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